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(by Sergei Kara-Murza, p.23)

The West created new type of state which main instrument of dominance over its own people and in the spheres of influence became manipulation of conscious. This phenomena has got the name of transition from the old regime tyranny, based on the open violence and constraint, to freedom and democracy. To justify this type of dominance there was formed new political philosophy as well as the necessary instrument forth power, mass media.

As the main instrument of this type of state dominance modern media are turned virtually into mobile private enterprises state contractors. In these private TV and publishing companies new technologies of conscious manipulation are developed, tested and used on a mass scale. The chain of this process includes professional specialists who constitute already a considerable part of cultural strata of modern society. One of the most significant characteristics of this process and its participants total lack of shame and shamelessness as such has turned into special technology of disarming average human being at the face of conscious manipulation and qualitative shift in moral delimitation.

One French philosopher defined this new type of human existence based on interaction of the modern political and informational technologies as society of show. And Italian culturologist G. Agamben proposed to call the contemporary condition of the world society of show as Epoch of Timishoara by the name of small Rumanian ton where the first act of Chaushesku overthrow show was staged with the help of tremendous falsifications. And though these falsifications were used against the regime considered to be evil personified, such technologies cannot be justified by any good intention.

Through other examples S. Kara-Murza shows in the article real purpose of raising mass media influence as a new quality of Western culture and important aspect of the new World Order with all the dangerous results. Most detailed part of this analysis is dedicated to the Western and mass media campaign against Belgrade and Serbs at large and total unwillingness to give history and reality a proper place. The author underlines as well the dangers of such developments in Russian mass media, especially concerning situations linked with internal conflicts.


(by Andrey Fetissov, p.33)

By the end of XX century contemporary forms of nationalism assumed absolutely disastrous character on vast scale. Unfortunately scaring nationalistic inspirations were more than often provoked by flagrant and unreasoned steps of the Western Powers and international bodies. Nevertheless, with quite a few exceptions, this century cannot provide real examples of successful prevention or total resolution of ethnic conflicts. Moreover, the international community has not succeed in elaborating proper criteria to define real intentions of the parties involved in such conflicts.

Balkan wars of the last decade demonstrated futility of the attempts to divide conflict participants by the wrong-right principle. And this is despite the existence of a lot of international bodies created with the aim of peaceful resolution of various contradictions between states and nations. Almost always the formal laws fail to work in cases when disputable issues have to be solved. Thus two fundamental principles of contemporary international relations right to self-determination and priority of territorial integrity come into irreconcilable conflict. And current situation around Yugoslavia turns into the most striking example here.

It seems now that the existing law systems arent able to guarantee political stability as well as disintegration of Imperial structures doesnt necessarily leads to desired strengthening of the World order, as it was previously considered.

NATOs aggression in the Balkans is fraught with the danger of negative changes in the field of international law and previously indisputable human values. Today the law of precedents is being formed and details of the future World order are being defined very much to the selfish interests of very few main players on the international arena. Countries and nations arent the subjects of the World politics any more such are the blocks and alliances, formed by those players. It is more and more obvious that notorious open society is meant only for them self-selected World Judges, replacing humanistic ethics by ideologically grounded pragmatism.

The author raises some profound questions concerning the role and place of Russia in the world at the face of these innovations, including the proper peacemaking image the most appropriate for Russia in the XXI century.


(by Mohan Menon, p.49)

Modern leaderships today, whether in Europe or elsewhere, betray little command over their political economies and often ignore history. They tend to overlook the fact that the march of political forces during and after the IInd World War had created only an unstable political equilibrium in parts of Europe which needed to be sedimented into firmer forms within the concerned polities. In postwar Europe outward resolutions of problems of ethnic divides concealed hidden contradictions based on ethnic multiplicity as in some special regions like Kosovo. In this background the veritable breakdown of the socialist structures in Europe had clearly necessitated certain "preventive" and "specific" responsibilities for the international community, mainly the United Nations and military structures like NATO, that sought a unique status of their own besides independent expositions of a fervent, almost nervous ideology defending their own self-interest on the European stage.

Were this preventive responsibilities suitably addressed by the international fora? If the Kosovo ethnic problem magnified into an international crisis, in fact an unpleasant ware in 1999, who is to blame for currents of escalation that displaced as it were saner counsels that sought to avert the escalation? Did the UN try hard enough, it is difficult to answer; did the US and the NATO alliance strive hard enough, equally difficult to answer, or was Slobodan Milosevic solely to blame for aggravation, again no answer can be readily proffered. Unfortunately, perspectives of rationality were lacking both within Belgrade leadership and among international forces spearheaded by NATO, or even within the UN left playing a helpless second fiddle.

The possible emergence of Kosovo as virtually independent entity is indeed no final solution even if the Milisevic structures are dismantled eventually. Therefore this crisis once again put forward banal truth extreme need of new paradigms for international relations based on moral imperatives of peace rather than on destructive political or military instruments of domination


(by A.Podberezkin, p.57)

Profound changes in the system of international relations through the last decade generated scaring chasm in economic and military power of Russia and the USA two poles of the bipolar world. This considerably strengthened the US position in Europe and Far East, reinforced their role in NATO and in determining global security problems. Progressing globalisation of NATO strategic conception took place under the open US pressure and answered their claims for sole supremacy in the changing world.

NATOs aggression against Yugoslavia confirmed an old wisdom the first victim of war is TRUTH. And it comes particularly obvious when two main questions are raised WHY and WHAT FOR? As to WHY all the facts and figures of this military operation make clear that the declared purposes of the US and other Western politicians to solve ethnic crisis in Kosovo and to stop humanitarian calamity were not achieved. On the contrary, this operation enlarged the scale of Kosovo tragedy including the role and place of Kosovo Albanians. The answer to WHAT FOR should be sought in the field of Washington geopolitical interests in all their aspects, including development of a universal pattern of action in any region considered to be a zone of vital interests.

Nevertheless, it is more clear now that the US leadership has not succeeded in calculating various consequences of the Balkan operation. And one of the most serious conclusions points at the negative impact of this aggression on the process of vertical and horizontal proliferation of nuclear weapons. Its hardly possible to deny that the war in Yugoslavia will give a new powerful impulse to development of advanced nuclear weapons in the states already possessing them (vertical proliferation) as well as to appearance of new nuclear states (horizontal proliferation).

From this standpoint the author analyses various possibilities of nuclear proliferation, particularly underlying that expansion of nuclear club will inevitably lead to the drastic changes in the military-power balance and to infringement of strategic stability on a regional and global scale.


(by E.Baranovsky, p.67)

European historical stereotypes concerning the Balkans were formed long ago and the present event only strengthened the negative image of this region. The Balkans as powder keg, balkanization as a synonym of extreme fragmentation all this constitutes part of modern political terminology while such notion as Balkans is used to define something opposite to the West in traditions, culture, economic development, interstate conflicts and inability to solve regional problems independently. Such approach to the Balkans became wide spread again after the end of cold war alongside with the wave of wars on the territory of the former Yugoslavia but all the attempts of mass media and analysts failed to succeed in explaining the core of the Balkan events and Kosovo crisis only increased this embarrassment.

The author dedicates the article to some historical and geopolitical aspects of the Balkans place and role in international relations which may help to understand current Balkan problems. Special attention is drawn to the internal political systems, external aims, problems and policy of the Balkan countries from the view point of relations in the region proper and in the wider contexts.

Analyzing the evolution of Russian approach to Yugoslavian crisis the author underscores inevitability of serious changes in this process determined by forcible historical and modern factors including geopolitical illusions of new Russian democrats as well as of national-communist opposition. The author underlines also the role of NATO policy of expansion towards the East as provoking profound change and achievement of consensus in Russian political elite concerning the Balkans.

From the author view point Russian policy in the region will depend on three main factors:

development of particular crisis situation on the Balkans (today it is Kososvo);

internal political situation in Russia itself;

the policy of the West and the USA and Russian perception of this policy.


(by E.Baranovsky, p.79)

Kosovo problem attracted attention of European states practically right after Bosnian conflict in 1996 European Union delegation already began negotiations with Belgrade and Kosovo Albanians. European states insisted on expansion of Kosovo autonomy and demanded from Belgrade to cease using force in this region. Russian authorities as well expressed deep concern in connection with possible negative developments of this conflict and pointed to necessity of solving the crisis on the base of the principle of territorial integrity of Yugoslavia.

From the very beginning there was great attention to this conflict not only on behalf of European organizations as such, but also on behalf of NATO and the USA especially. Under the UN aegis there was established the special Contact Group with Russia, Germany, France, Italy and the Great Britain. That is how the process of international intervention into Yugoslavian crisis expanded with a great deal being influenced by historical and modern factors of various states interests and contradictions on the Balkans. And that is how there was created certain external political environment of the conflict in which its participants were acting.

The author gives detailed chronological and documented picture of all the international efforts and deeds of the Kosovo crisis development up to nowadays along with the special analysis and evaluation of Russian approach to the conflict at its different stages. All this drives the author to the conclusion that the international community still has a long way ahead and a lot to do in the field of peacekeeping before Kosovo problem ceases to exist.


(by Yu.Babych., p.103)

A weak state cannot offer strong diplomacy. Any diplomacy is effective only being supported by the state power and political will of state leadership clearly comprehending interests of the state. None of these is possessed by Eltzins Russia.

From the author view point present economic situation combined with utmost corruption and considerable dependence on the Western credits as well as other internal political problems do not give the country a chance to play serious independent role on the international arena.

The author dedicates the article to the thorough critical analysis of Russian policy concerning Balkans as from the time of former foreign minister A.Kozyrev and up to nowadays giving the whole picture of its development in chronological details. The focus of the analysis is placed on the Kosovo crisis which is considered by the author as the most crucial example of the recent failures of Russian diplomacy with the negative results not only for Yugoslavia but for Russia in particular.

Beside the loss of profound independent influence on the global arena the main thesis of authors approach to this field of Russian foreign policy at large and Kosovo crisis particularly is the danger of pro-Western orientation with such possible consequences as the use of "limited sovereignty" paradigm against Russia itself especially in the light of such internal conflicts as in the Caucasus.


(by D.Nikolayenko, p.127)

The article is dedicated to one of the main aspects of war and peace on the Balkans evolution of territory socio-cultural developing through the war-and-peace dynamics.

War-and-peace dynamics on the Balkans is very specific. Since the end of XIX century this region is characterized by frequent periodic and lingering conflicts preceding World Wars. In this context it is important to elaborate systemic approach to analyses of the Balkan conflicts which may help to manage them properly.

The author offers some new approaches to the understanding of Balkan states economy on the base of specific geographical and geopolitical position of the region and consequent various external impacts on its different parts. On the other hand the author makes an attempt to link various types of war to socio-cultural developing of different territories by different socio-cultural systems.

Main part of the article is dedicated to the detailed analysis of the economic consequences of the Balkan conflict for the Western Europe and the USA and to the possible results of their influence of the future development of the region.

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